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Denis Halliday is an exceptional figure in the world of diplomacy. Halliday saw at first hand the devastating impact of this policy that had led to the deaths os overchildren under the age of five and hundreds of thousands more older children and adults, and he called the sanctions a genocide against the people of Iraq.
SinceDenis has been a powerful voice for peace and for human rights around the world. He sailed in the Freedom Flotilla to Gaza inwhen 10 of his companions on a Turkish ship were shot and killed in an attack by the Israeli armed forces.
What would you like to say to Americans about the real-world impact of these policies? They were open-ended, meaning that they required a Security Council decision to end them, which of course never actually happened — and they followed immediately upon the Gulf War. The Gulf War, led primarily by the United States who is the tragic hero in medea supported by Britain and some others, undertook the bombing of Iraq and targeted civilian infrastructure, which is a violation of the Geneva Conventions, and they took out all electric power networks in the country. This completely undermined the water treatment and distribution system of Iraq, which depended upon electricity to drive it, and drove people to use contaminated click the following article from the Tigris and the Euphrates.
That was the beginning of the death-knell for young children, because mothers were not breast-feeding, they were feeding their children with child formula, but mixing it with foul water from the Tigris and the Euphrates. That bombing of infrastructure, including communications systems and electric power, wiped out the production of food, horticulture, and all of the other basic necessities of life.
They also closed down exports and imports, and they made sure that Iraq was unable to export its oil, which was the main source of its revenue at the time.
In addition to that, they introduced a new weapon called depleted uranium, which was used by the U. That was used again in southern Iraq in the Basra area, and led to a massive accumulation of nuclear debris which led to fhe in children, and that took three, four or five years to become evident. So when I got to Iraq inthe hospitals in Baghdad, and also of course in Basra and other cities, were full of children suffering from leukemia. Meantime adults had gotten their own cancer, mainly not a blood cancer diagnosis.
Those children, we reckon perhapschildren, died of leukemia. At the same time, Washington and London withheld some of the treatment components that leukemia requires, again, it seemed, in a genocidal manner, denying Iraqi children the right to remain alive. So the point is that the Iraqi sanctions were uniquely punitive and cruel and prolonged and comprehensive.
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They remained in place no matter how people like myself or others, and not just me alone, but UNICEF and the agencies of the UN system — many states including France, China and Russia — complained bitterly about the consequences on human life and the lives of Iraqi children and adults. My desire in resigning was to go public, which I did.
Within one month, I was in Washington doing my first Congressional briefing on the consequences of these sanctions, driven by Washington and London. So I think the United States and its populus, who vote these governments in, need to understand that the children and the people of Iraq are just like the children of the United States and England and their people. They have the same dreams, same ambitions of education and employment and housing and vacations and all the things that good people care about. So what?]
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