During the Cold War, the United States and allied colonial Western powers directly waged several wars against national liberation movements or regimes, along with more limited military interventions and wars by proxy. In most of these cases, Western powers confronted a local adversary supported by a large popular base. Standing against the imperialist intervention and in support of those whom it targeted seemed the obvious choice for progressives—the only discussion was whether the support ought to be critical or unreserved.
The pattern of exclusively Western imperialist wars waged against popularly based movements in the Global South started to change, however, with the first such war waged impeialism the USSR since the war in Afghanistan — A https://digitales.com.au/blog/wp-content/custom/japan-s-impact-on-japan/volcano-eruption-on-mars.php figures, who until then belonged to the anti-imperialist left, shifted on this occasion to supporting the US-led war.
A firm advocate of civil rights and opponent of racism
But the vast majority of anti-imperialists opposed it, even though it was waged with a UN mandate approved by Moscow. Most were no fans of Saddam Hussein either: They source him as a brutal dictator while opposing the US-led imperialist war against his country. A further complication soon emerged. This led to a massive wave of Kurdish refugees crossing the border into Turkey. To stop this and allow the refugees to return, Washington imposed a no-fly zone NFZ over northern Iraq. There was hardly any anti-imperialist campaign against this NFZ, since the only alternative would have been continued ruthless suppression of the Kurds.
Then came the invasion of Iraq in —the last US-led intervention that united all anti-imperialists on the terms of opposing it. To illustrate the complexity of the questions that progressive omperialism faces today—a complexity that is unfathomable to the simplistic logic of neo-campism—let us consider two wars that arose out of https://digitales.com.au/blog/wp-content/custom/african-slaves-during-the-nineteenth-century/periodic-table-va.php Arab Spring. When popular uprisings managed to get rid of the presidents of Tunisia and Egypt in earlythe whole spectrum of self-proclaimed anti-imperialists applauded in unison, since both countries had Western-friendly regimes.
But when the revolutionary shock wave reached Libya, as was inevitable for a country that shared borders with both Egypt and Tunisia, the neo-campists were far less enthusiastic. True to type, Gadhafi bloodily repressed the protests.
The likelihood of a massacre of massive proportion was very high. The League of Arab States supported this request. Most Western anti-imperialists condemned the UNSC resolution as reminiscent of those which had authorized the onslaught on Iraq in In so doing, they overlooked the fact that dhat Libyan case had actually more in common with the NFZ imposed over northern Iraq than with the general onslaught on Iraq under the pretext of liberating Kuwait.
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Yet, in the absence of alternative means of preventing the impending massacre, the NFZ could hardly be opposed in its initial phase—for the same reasons that had led Moscow and Beijing to abstain. NATO preferred to keep them dependent on its direct involvement in the hope that it could control them. The second—even more complex—case is Syria. There, the Obama administration never intended to impose a NFZ. Because of inevitable Russian and Chinese vetoes at the UNSC, this would have required read article violation of international legality like that committed by the George W. Bush administration in invading Iraq an invasion Obama had opposed.
The Effect Of Imperialism And The Scramble Of Africa
Washington kept a low profile in the Syrian war, stepping up its involvement only after the so-called Islamic State surged and crossed the border into Iraq, and then restricting its direct intervention to the fight against ISIS. The result go here that the Assad regime enjoyed a monopoly in the air during the conflict and could even resort to extensive use of devastating barrel bombs dropped by helicopters.
This situation also encouraged Moscow to directly engage its air force in the Syrian conflict starting in Anti-imperialists were bitterly divided on Syria. The situation got further complicated, however, when a surging ISIS threatened the Syrian left-wing nationalist Kurdish movement, the only progressive armed force then active on Syrian territory.
Washington fought ISIS through a combination of bombing and unembarrassed support to local forces that included Iran-aligned militias what prompted imperialism in south africa Iraq and Kurdish left-wing forces in Syria. No section of the anti-imperialists stood up significantly to condemn this blatant intervention by Washington—for the obvious reason that the alternative would have been the crushing of a force linked to a left-wing nationalist movement in Turkey that all the left had traditionally supported. Most anti-imperialists remained silent the equivalent of abstentionin contrast to their stance on Libya—as if support of popular insurgencies by Washington could be tolerated only when these are led by left-wing forces.]
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